Ethnic Brotherhood Tested: Mizoram Faces Rising Dissent Over Myanmar Refugees

Four years ago, the Mizos, the dominant ethnic tribe of the northeastern state of Mizoram, were liberal in allowing the Chin refugees of Myanmar to cross the border and settle in the state. The Chin refugees, who share an ethnic bond with the Mizos and are together clubbed under the ‘Zo’ family, had to flee after unrest in the Chin province following the takeover of Myanmar by the military junta. The northeastern state is currently sheltering more than 30,000 Chin refugees from Myanmar.

However, while many Mizos are still supportive of the Chin refugees due to their ethnic ties, there have been signs of rising dissent against the Chin refugees in the state. This became clear when, recently, civil societies in the state’s Melthum and Lawngtlai towns issued directives restricting the movement and participation of Myanmarese refugees in local trade and warned of eviction for non-compliance, as reported by the *Hindustan Times*. This isn’t a rare incident. Before this, last month, the village council leaders and civil society organisations at Farkawn, a village in Champhai district along the Myanmar border, issued an order prohibiting Myanmar refugees residing in the village from opening shops or conducting business.   

Reason Behind The Change In Behaviour

There have been allegations of illegal trade, including drugs and other commodities, across the India-Myanmar border involving the Chin refugees. The argument made by some locals is that criminal activities have risen in the state as a result of the Myanmarese refugees.

C Lalkhawliana, the editor of 'The Highlander', one of the principal English dailies of the state published from the capital city of Aizawl, admitted the existence of illegal trade in the state. He, however, argued that when a Myanmarese refugee is arrested in connection with a criminal activity, the issue is blown out of proportion, ignoring the fact that locals themselves are also involved in such acts.

His claim is backed by police records. According to police records available from September 2023 to December 2024, only 4% of the refugees were arrested for criminal activities, while 92% of those arrested were residents of Mizoram. 

Legislator Lalmuanpuia Punte, political advisor to state chief minister Lalduhoma, recently appealed to the residents of the state to live harmoniously with the Chin people (refugees). He even blamed a section of Mizos for blaming the refugees without any proof.

Why Chin Refugees Face Fire

Clearly, facts don’t support the claim that Chin refugees from Myanmar are behind the rise in criminal activities in the state. Then why are they facing the ire of a section of Mizos?

According to Irene Lalruatkimi, a reporter with All India Radio, the growing displeasure among a section of Mizos can be attributed to the limited resources available in the state and the residents’ dissatisfaction with sharing those limited resources with the refugees for the last few years. She says that "limited resources" here means land and other important necessities. 

Let's not forget that in Mizoram, as well as in the northeast, land remains a very important resource, and often the reasons for clashes or discord in the region are directly or indirectly related to land issues.

Development Issues Over Ethnic Relations?

C Lalkhawliana dismissed the growing dissent as some individuals expressing their anger against certain refugees and maintained that these are isolated issues. He firmly stated that the Mizos are standing together with their ethnic brethren, the Chin refugees. 

His statement isn't wrong, but it isn't exactly right, either. While it is true that a large majority of the Mizos are supportive of the Chin refugees living in the state due to the ethnic bond they share, the developments in Farkawn village and Melthum and Lawngtlai towns indicate that, gradually, at least a section of locals are becoming dissatisfied with the refugees, overriding ethnic sentiments.

While these developments can be dismissed as being driven by individual reasons, the fact is that the state government needs to acknowledge that it must properly devise a sustainable plan to address the needs of both the refugees and the residents in order to manage the issue before it escalates.

Do these developments weaken the state government? 

The state is underdeveloped, and with many thousands of refugees staying in the state, it is already economically burdened. As a result, the condition of the state’s economy is precarious. This makes Lalduhoma’s government weak and more dependent on the Centre, which is currently adamant about its decision to fence the India-Myanmar border. This decision has angered the majority of Mizos, who protest the move as it would result in a divide from their ethnic brethren living on the other side of the border. 

Now, with a section of Mizos — including activist V L Thlamuanpuia, who recently wrote a letter to Union Home Minister Amit Shah to draw the latter’s attention to the increase in the influx of refugees in Mizoram — raising their voices against the refugees, the Centre gains the upper hand. It is likely to see these developments as a green signal for its ambitious project to fence the India-Myanmar border. This leaves the state government with fewer options but to willingly or unwillingly toe the Centre’s line.

Significantly, Lalduhoma has recently talked about the side effects of having an open border — indirectly supporting the fencing of the India-Myanmar border. On the other hand, his political advisor, Lalmuanpuia Punte, urges the Mizo community to live harmoniously with the Chin refugees. This shows how the state government is trying to strike a balance — satisfying the Mizo community in the name of Zo unity while also taking a soft stand toward the Centre to ensure continued financial assistance.

The author is a political commentator.

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