It’s back to square one for SAD

No one would have been surprised at Sukhbir Singh Badal’s re-election as the president of the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), four months after he underwent religious punishment awarded by the Sikh clergy. The outcome was a foregone conclusion as he was the only candidate in the fray.

Addressing a gathering of party delegates along with his brother-in-law and former minister Bikram Singh Majithia on Saturday, Sukhbir reiterated that the SAD was the sole voice of the Sikhs and the only political party that truly represented the interests of Punjab and Punjabis.

His contention was that the Akalis had always fought for the rights and welfare of the people of Punjab, while the others — such as the Congress, the BJP and the jhaduwale (AAP) — ruled the state from Delhi for their gains. Sukhbir also accused the BJP and the RSS of interfering in Sikh affairs, alleging that they had already taken control of Sikh institutions in states such as Maharashtra, Delhi and Haryana. They are now trying to establish control over the SGPC, he added.

Though the SAD meeting was held at the Teja Singh Samundri Hall in the Golden Temple complex from where the SGPC functions, party leaders did not claim to be speaking only for the Sikhs. Attacks on Sikhs were part of a larger conspiracy against minorities, they insisted.

Majithia referred to the Waqf (Amendment) Act and praised his sister, Harsimrat Kaur Badal, for passionately arguing against it in the Lok Sabha. He proudly underlined that her speech was more forceful than that of any other MP who spoke on the subject in Parliament. This was also aimed at demonstrating that the Akali Dal was not a sectarian party — it ostensibly believes in qaumi ekta and qaumi bhaichara (communal solidarity and fraternity).

The leaders also referred to the ongoing discussions on the delimitation of seats in Parliament and how the exercise could significantly reduce the representation of Punjab in the Lok Sabha. Sukhbir ended his speech by asking the party cadres to start preparing for the 2027 Assembly elections with the goal of returning to power. He called upon the youth to be more actively involved in the affairs of the party with the spirit of Charhdi Kala. His argument: It is only when the SAD is in power that Punjab witnesses all-round development.

This sounds like a standard narrative for such an occasion. However, the real significance of this meeting ought to be seen in the context of the events of December 2, 2024, when the entire SAD leadership, led by Sukhbir, appeared before the Akal Takht to seek forgiveness for their misdeeds. Besides asking them to perform seva over a specified period, the Akal Takht directed all Akali factions to dissolve their outfits and appointed a seven-member committee to oversee a fresh membership drive to be followed by the formation of a “united Akali Dal”.

The decisions of the Jathedars were widely welcomed by the Sikhs of Punjab and those living across the world. It appeared to them that the steps suggested had the potential to re-energise the political party that could speak for the Sikhs and represent their voice in national politics. However, for the Badals-led SAD, these directives were unnerving. While they were willing to perform nominal seva for a few days to regain legitimacy, dissolving the party would have meant losing control over it entirely.

The SAD leadership was also annoyed at the Takht Jathedars, whom they had regarded largely as employees of the SGPC. Though the Akali Dal was formed under the aegis of the SGPC to function as its political wing, their relationship has changed over time. With the Akali Dal entering mainstream electoral politics and rising to political power, its leadership also came to control the SGPC and also the appointment of Takht Jathedars. Most of those who were elected to the SGPC in the last elections were directly affiliated with the SAD.

Thus, the SAD leadership chose its own way of ‘managing’ the challenges thrown up by the orders of the Jathedars. Firstly, it refused to dissolve the party. Then, using its influence over the SGPC, it managed to oust three Jathedars and put its confidants in their place. It also managed to influence two members of the Takht-appointed committee, weakening the panel’s legitimacy to do the work it had been assigned by the Jathedars.

After more than four months of political theatrics, Akali politics is back to square one. Beyond the analogy of ‘snakes and ladders’, such moments in the political life of a community or a state could have significant long-term implications.

The developments have managed to sharply highlight some of the foundational issues confronting the Sikh community and the nature of reforms urgently required. With changing times and the growing diversity of the community, sweeping reforms are a must.

Looking at things from the SAD’s perspective, Sukhbir’s re-election might end up increasing the gulf between the party and the Sikh Sangat, its primary electorate, which it had hoped to bridge when its leadership appeared before the Akal Takht last year.

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