Shastri who led India through Crisis

Ashok Ogra
In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the question “Who will succeed Nehru?” echoed throughout India, gaining attention when American journalist Welles Hangen wrote a book titled After Nehru Who? Just 10 days before Nehru’s death, noted cartoonist Shankar captured the succession race with remarkable accuracy-showing Nehru carrying the torch of leadership with the weariness of an aged long-distance runner, followed several laps behind by Shastri, Nanda, Indira, and, at the end, Morarji Desai.
However, Morarji believed he was the natural successor to Nehru and staked his claim even before the funeral ceremony ended. He was ruled out, however, due to his astringent reputation and alleged connections with certain business interests.
Shastri’s selection surprised many, as he had an image of a mild and mannered leader. However, after reading Sanjeev Chopra’s The Great Conciliator: Lal Bahadur Shastri and the Transformation of India, it becomes evident that he was no puppet. Despite his simple living, Shastri was a shrewd political strategist with a keen understanding of men and events.
Sanjeev reflects on Shastri’s leadership style, which was marked by a firm stance on national security, food security, and diplomacy. He galvanized the nation with the slogan “Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan.”
Born on October 2, 1904, in Uttar Pradesh, Lal Bahadur faced early hardship, losing his father at the age of two. Raised by his mother, Ram Dulari Devi, Shastri’s early life was shaped by his school headmaster, Nishkameshwar Mishra.
At the age of thirteen, Lal Bahadur decided to drop the surname ‘Varma’ to distance himself from the Kayastha title. It was when he received his degree from Kashi Vidyapeeth that the family started using Shastri as the surname.
Imprisoned many times by the British, his active political journey began in 1946 when he helped organize the Congress election campaign in the United Provinces, earning respect for his hard work and impartiality. Shastri’s pro-poor stance became evident when he advocated for the Gram Panchayat Bill, which aimed to empower rural communities.
He shot into national prominence when, as Railway Minister, he focused on reducing the disparity between the lower and higher classes-something that Gandhiji had also strongly advocated. His resignation after several train accidents in 1956, for which he took moral responsibility, boosted his reputation.
In the chapter India’s Dangerous Decades, the author captures the political and social challenges faced by India in the 1950s and 1960s. Master Tara Singh’s agitation for the creation of a Punjabi Suba was triggered by perceived discrimination against Sikhs.
Similar linguistic tensions arose over Tamil Nadu, where people feared the imposition of Hindi. Shastri navigated these tensions carefully and advocated for the continued use of English until Hindi was fully developed. Sanjeev brilliantly captures Shastri’s measured approach and diplomacy, which helped calm the situation-something the present ruling dispensation can learn from.
In 1963, Shastri’s political standing was solidified when he was appointed Minister without Portfolio, a role that signaled his potential as Nehru’s successor. The author could have delved deeper into Nehru’s reasons for preferring Shastri as his successor-particularly when the author himself compares the two leaders: “Nehru was primarily ideological, Shastri’s approach was granular. In this respect, Shastri’s perceptions were in sync with his illustrious predecessors in the home ministry: Patel and Pant.” One also expected the author to shed more light on areas where Nehru and Shastri differed.
The Hazratbal shrine crisis in Srinagar, triggered by the disappearance of the sacred relic on December 27, 1963, and the ensuing massive protests in the Kashmir Valley, receives fair attention. However, while the author mainly credits Shastri for helping de-escalate the situation, the reality is more complex. In fact, it was the Intelligence Bureau Director, B.N. Mullick, who, along with IB Srinagar chief, played a pivotal role in recovering the holy relic on January 5, 1964-with protestors even chanting “Mullick Sahib Ki Jai” in appreciation of his work. Shastri appeared on the scene much later, on January 30, and his role centered more on holding parleys with political and religious scholars to verify the authenticity of the recovered relic, which he achieved with great tact. Incidentally, Shastri had to borrow a woolen coat from Nehru before flying to Srinagar.
The author gives thorough consideration to exploring Shastri’s role in ushering in the Green and White Revolutions. He inducted C. Subramaniam as Agriculture Minister, appointed B. Sivaraman as Agriculture Secretary, and Dr. Swaminathan as the lead scientist.
The narrative, however, omits Dr. B.P. Pal, Director General of ICAR, who oversaw Swaminathan’s work at IARI, where he worked as Director-not as DG, as claimed by the author. Also, while Shastri pushed for the introduction of the high-yielding variety, it was Indira Gandhi, as newly elected Prime Minister, who consolidated the agricultural reforms, marking the start of India’s Green Revolution and what is still referred to as the “Punjab Miracle.” C. Subramaniam, in his autobiography Hands of Destiny, writes: “While I received backing first from Shastri and later from Indira Gandhi, it was the latter who gave me much greater support, and I was able to go forward with much greater freedom after January 1966.”
Shastri’s administrative reforms also receive attention, particularly the establishment of the BSF, Central Vigilance Commission (CVC), and the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to combat corruption. His creation of the Administrative Reforms Commission aimed to overhaul India’s bureaucracy, a legacy that could have brought transformative changes had he lived longer.
It was during the 1965 war with Pakistan that Shastri truly showed his mettle, winning the admiration of the Indian masses. On September 6, Shastri, acting on the advice of his generals, ordered the Indian Army to launch a surprise attack towards Lahore. Defence Minister Y.B. Chavan recorded the rationale behind India attacking across the international border, stating, “If we fail-and I cannot even imagine it-the Nation fails.”
The rest is history. This one decision by Shastri changed the course of the war, ending the 22-day conflict in what most commentators consider a stalemate. However, it forced Pakistan to the negotiating table.
The author’s account, while authoritative and detailed, ought to have referred to the contribution of Chavan, who had launched India’s first defense five-year plan in 1962 and initiated a significant military expansion. It was also Chavan who ordered the Indian Air Force to cross Pakistan’s airspace and provide support to ground forces without informing the Prime Minister.
After the war ended, Shastri addressed a gathering at Delhi’s Ramlila Grounds on September 26, saying, “President Ayub had said he would take a stroll to Delhi. He is a respectable man. I thought, why should he be given the pain to walk up to Delhi? We would march towards Lahore to welcome him.”
The writing is dense and descriptive, illustrating Shastri’s tactical restraint during the war, his focus on national sovereignty, and his ability to garner support both domestically and internationally.
At the Indo-Pakistan summit arranged by Soviet leader Alexei Kosygin in the first week of January 1966 between Shastri and Ayub Khan, Shastri reiterated India’s position on Kashmir. Sanjeev recounts the relevant conversation that Shastri had one-on-one with Kosygin: “We were compelled to occupy Haji Pir pass and some other strategic locations to prevent further infiltration. This was done at heavy sacrifice on the part of our brave armed forces. What is the assurance that Pakistan will not respond to disguised invasion again if we were to withdraw from these strategic places….”
Kosygin replied: “By insisting on retaining the possession of Haji Pir pass, India will bear the consequential threat to peace, or the resumption of hostilities. India’s biggest enemy is China. No overt action was taken by China, because there was unanimous pressure from all governments that no country should intervene in the Indo-Pakistan conflict.”
Several commentators feel that surrendering Haji Pir pass cost Shastri his life. In Pakistan, Ayub Khan was accused of betraying the cause of Kashmir. The chapter Tragedy Follows Triumph poignantly captures the shock and grief following Shastri’s sudden death on January 11 at Tashkant. The rare participation of former adversaries like Ayub Khan and Soviet dignitaries in his funeral procession adds to the tragic impact of his passing. Incidentally, Ayub Khan, a 6-feet-2-inch tall field marshal, had, in 1964, dismissed Lal Bahadur Shastri, a 5-feet-2-inch diminutive politician, as ‘nobody.’ Published by Bloomsbury, one wonders why the advance praises for the book are included in two places: at the beginning and on the back cover. Similarly, Orissa’s political leader J.B. Patnaik is referred to in the context of the Green Revolution, whereas the author meant Biju Patnaik.
Barring these minor slips, overall, the book effectively brings out the deep connection that existed between Shastri and his nation until his untimely death on January 11, 1966. The fact that he had been suffering from a heart ailment for a long time should bury all the conspiracy theories surrounding his death.
This is a monumental biography, deeply researched, authentic and engaging, by Sanjeev Chopra, of the man the nation is lately rediscovering. That being the case, one wonders whether the book title The Great Conciliator… is appropriate for someone who achieved so much in his short tenure of 19 months. After reading the book, what emerges is a ‘Decisive but Integrative Leader.’ The noted journalist Frank Moraes reflects on the irony of Shastri’s life and death, saying, “It is ironic that this man whose life was rooted in the soil of India eventually died abroad.”
(The author works as Advisor for reputed Apeejay Education, New Delhi)

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